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is an associate professor in International Development Studies at 黑料吃瓜网. is a researcher at Dalhousie.
New technology can have profound impacts on society in ways never intended.
The radio during the First World War, but later became a household fixture. were leased in pairs but after Western Union, a telegraph company, adopted 鈥渆xchanges,鈥� it led to rapid long-distance communication. Likewise, mobile phones have evolved from bulky 鈥渨alkie-talkies鈥� to small supercomputers.
And now Facebook, originally a connection platform for university students, conjoins one in four people. But today, in Myanmar, Facebook is helping fuel a genocide against the Rohingya people.
Based on our research in Myanmar and in Cuba, we argue that internet usage in Myanmar is dangerous. Unbridled connection to Facebook creates what we call a 鈥渧irtual coercive,鈥� a digital space that bolsters coercion. We suggest that Cuba鈥檚 internet model may provide lessons to manage social media amid political chaos.
The utility of inventions can be unpredictable, and so too can the social impacts be catastrophic.
is an unforeseen consequence of mobile phones that kills or maims thousands each year. Dealing with distracted driving involves better driver education, curbing usage behind the wheel and penalties for stupidity.
during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.
鈥楤lood on hands鈥�
But in conditions of genocide, can a technology like radio be limited or restricted? It鈥檚 an essential service, but with blood on its hands. That鈥檚 a burden Facebook now shares.
In 2010, Myanmar had heavily restricted internet users. In seven years, SIM card from more than US$3,000 to . The government also , allowing Facebook to attract Many of them view Facebook as the internet.
Beginning in , Burmese security forces pursued a against the Rohingya. Some were killed and were forced to to seek refuge in Bangladesh.
Along with ultra-nationalist monk , a host of . This vitriolic propaganda further vilifies the already marginalized and much-maligned Rohingya.
includes explicitly racist political cartoons, falsified images and staged news reports. This content goes viral, normalizing hate speech and shaping public perception. Violence against Rohingya people is increasingly welcomed, and then celebrated online. This virtual coercive serves the Myanmar military鈥檚 interests.
The military junta鈥檚 monopoly on information has provided little arena to foster media literacy. Such propaganda in this virtual coercive of anti-Rohingya propaganda preys upon the ill-informed. For many, the misinformation spread through Facebook justifies what the United Nations has dubbed .
Myanmar citizens now have unbridled access to low-cost internet on their mobile devices. Freedom of speech advocates will laud this. But this open information pipeline reinforces Facebook鈥檚 dark side of self-reaffirmation with limited perspective.
This is to the Burmese military鈥檚 advantage. Just as radio fuelled genocide in the 1990s, Facebook is making it happen in Myanmar today.
Fiction becomes reality
Facebook鈥檚 virtual coercive is one of division, competing realities and a lack of mutual acceptance. In Facebook鈥檚 virtual coercive, fiction is reality and lies can validate.
Considering this, we argue that constant Facebook use in Myanmar is too risky to ignore. Societies require spaces for tolerance of differing ideas, trade, negotiation, volunteerism and face-to-face dynamics. This is lacking in Myanmar.
Cuba may be an important example in this discussion.
The nature of internet access in Cuba has not led to the abusive coercion or divisive politics. Protests through social media that are common in other parts of the world do not exist in Cuba.
Why?
Internet in Cuba is, simply put, expensive. Spending US$3 for an hour of WiFi in internet parks is about 10 per cent of a Cuban鈥檚 monthly earnings. With only limited time to be online, Facebook鈥檚 bandwidth-clogging bulk makes it unpopular in Cuba. Instead, other SMS and chat apps such as IMO, a direct video chat service, is preferred.
Cubans access internet in small doses
Cuba has only limited capacity to monitor its internet traffic, and the government worries about unbridled access.
And so Facebook cannot be accessed during working hours in most government and university settings in Cuba. It creates a disincentive to rely on Facebook for news and connections.
Cubans surf the net in small doses and often in public spaces. This breaks the virtual coercive through face-to-face interactions.
The shortcomings of Cuba鈥檚 model are obvious given it creates a barrier to information. Free-speech advocates will be quick to dismiss the idea of limiting the time spent online, never mind the dangers of a state having the responsibility to curtail social media.
But is unbridled access to Facebook really a pillar of free speech if the platform can be harnessed for the purpose of eliminating an entire population?
It鈥檚 time to entertain disconnecting from the virtual coercive in order to engage in real space. Maybe in this way, Facebook鈥檚 dark side can be kept at bay while still serving its original purpose of connecting people and enriching, not destroying, lives.
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